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The Birth of Protest-antism

or

The Mark of the Beast defied

Are YOU a Protest-ant?

or a conformer?

THE PROTEST AND THE CONFERENCE 1526-1529.

by

J H M D’Aubigne

BOOK 13 CHAPTER 5 pages 0518 – 0520

The long paragraphs have been shortened and headings added.

An emperor’s decision

On the 15th March the imperial commissaries announced to the diet [something like a parliament] that the last resolution of Spires [a law made at a previous meeting], which left all the states free to act in conformity with the inspirations of their consciences, having given rise to great disorders, the emperor had annulled it by virtue of his supreme power.

This arbitrary act, which had no precedent in the empire, as well as the despotic tone in which it was notified, filled the evangelical Christians with indignation and alarm. "Christ," exclaimed Sturm, "has again fallen into the hands of Caiaphas and Pilate."

A commission was charged to examine the imperial proposition.

The Archbishop of Salzburg, Faber, and Eck, that is to say, the most violent enemies of the Reformation, were among its members. "The Turks are better than the Lutherans," said Faber, "for the Turks observe fast-days, and the Lutherans violate them. If we must choose between the Holy Scriptures and God and the old errors of the Church, we should reject the former."

"Every day in full assembly Faber casts some new stone at us Gospellers," says Melancthon. "Oh, what an Iliad [an epic book] I should have to compose," added he, "if I were to report all these blasphemies!"

Two groups

The priests called for the execution of the edict of Worms, 1521, and the evangelical members of the commission, among whom were the Elector of Saxony and Sturm, demanded on the contrary the maintenance of the edict of Spires, 1526.

The latter [the Christians] thus remained within the bounds of legality, while their adversaries [the Roman Catholics] were driven to coups d'etat [unlawful actions. illegal seizures of power].

A major change in law was proposed

In fact, a new order of things having been legally established in the empire, no one could infringe it; and if the diet presumed to destroy by force what had been constitutionally established three years before, the evangelical states had the right of opposing it.

The majority of the commission felt that the re-establishment of the ancient order of things would be a revolution no less complete than the Reformation itself. How could they subject anew to Rome and to her clergy those nations in whose bosom the Word of God had been so richly spread abroad?

They sat on the fence!

For this reason, equally rejecting the demands of the priests and of the evangelicals, the majority [of the commission] came to a resolution on the 24th March that every religious innovation should continue to be interdicted [prohibited] in the places where the edict of Worms had been carried out; and that in those where the people had deviated from it [where they had already left Catholicism], and where they could not conform to it without danger of revolt, they should at least effect no new reform, they should touch upon [teach] no controverted point, they should not oppose the celebration of the mass, they should permit no Roman-Catholic to embrace Lutheranism, they should not decline the Episcopal jurisdiction [control by bishops], and should tolerate no anabaptists [who taught adult baptism] or sacramentarians [who held the Lord’s supper in place of the mass].

The status-quo [no more changes] and no proselytism [no converting attempts] -- such were the essentials of this resolution.

This was dangerous!

The majority no longer voted as in 1526: the wind had turned against the Gospel. Accordingly this proposition, after having been delayed a few days by the festival of Easter, was laid before the diet [committee] on the 6th April, and passed on the 7th.

If it became law, the Reformation could neither be extended into those places where as yet it was unknown, nor be established on solid foundations in those where it already existed.

The re-establishment of the Romish hierarchy, stipulated in the proposition, would infallibly bring back the ancient abuses; and the least deviation from so vexatious an ordinance [a law] would easily furnish the Romanists with a pretext for completing the destruction of a work already so violently shaken.

The Christians conferred

The Elector, the Landgrave, the Margrave of Brandenburg, the Prince of Anhalt, and the Chancellor of Luneburg on one side, and the deputies for the cities on the other, consulted together.

An entirely new order of things was to proceed from this council.

If they had been animated by selfishness, they would perhaps have accepted this decree. In fact they were left free, in appearance at least, to profess their faith: ought they to demand more? could they do so?

Were they bound to constitute themselves the champions of liberty of conscience in all the world?

Never, perhaps, had there been a more critical situation; but these noble-minded men came victorious out of the trial.

What! should they legalize by anticipation the scaffold and the torture! [For that is what would have happened if they had agreed]. Should they oppose the Holy Ghost in its work of converting souls to Christ! Should they forget their Master's command: "Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature?"

If one of the states of the empire desired some day to follow their example and be reformed, should they take away its power of doing so? Having themselves entered the kingdom of heaven, should they shut the door after them?

No! rather endure everything, sacrifice everything, even their states, their crowns, and their lives.

They protested!!

"Let us reject this decree," said the princes. "In matters of conscience the majority has no power." -- "It is to the decree of 1526," added the cities, "that we are indebted for the peace that the empire enjoys: its abolition would fill Germany with troubles and divisions."

"The diet is incompetent to do more than preserve religious liberty until a council meets."

Such in fact is the grand attribute of the state, and if in our days the Protestant powers should desire to influence the Romish governments, they should strive solely at obtaining for the subjects of the latter that religious liberty which the pope confiscates to his own advantage wherever he reigns alone, and by which he profits greatly in every evangelical state.

Nothing political

Some of the deputies proposed refusing all assistance [in fighting] against the Turks, hoping thus to force the emperor to interfere in this religious question. But Sturm called upon them not to mix up political matters with the salvation of souls. They resolved therefore to reject the proposition, but without holding out any threats.

It was this noble resolution that gained for modern times liberty of thought and independence of faith.

The Roman Catholic answer

Ferdinand and the priests, who were no less resolute, determined, however, on vanquishing what they called a daring obstinacy; and they commenced with the weaker states. They began to frighten and divide the cities, which had hitherto pursued a common course. On the 12th April they were summoned before the diet: in vain did they allege the absence of some of their number, and ask for delay. It was refused, and the call was hurried on.

Twenty-one free cities accepted the proposition of the diet, and fourteen rejected it.

It was a bold act on the part of the latter, and was accomplished in the midst of the most painful sufferings. "This is the first trial," said Pfarrer, second deputy of Strasburg; "now will come the second: we must either deny the Word of God or -- be burnt."

A political reaction

A violent proceeding of Ferdinand's immediately commenced the series of humiliations that were reserved for the evangelical cities. A deputy of Strasburg should, in conformity with the decree of Worms, have been a member of the imperial government from the commencement of April. He was declared excluded from his rights until the re-establishment of the mass in Strasburg. All the cities united in protesting against this arbitrary act.

At the same time, the elector-palatine and King Ferdinand himself begged the princes to accept the decree, assuring them that the emperor would be exceedingly pleased with them. "We will obey the emperor," replied they calmly, "in everything that may contribute to maintain peace and the honour of God."

Justice departed

It was time to put an end to this struggle. On the 18th April it was decreed that the evangelical states should not be heard again; and Ferdinand prepared to inflict the decisive blow on the morrow.

When the day came, the king appeared in the diet, surrounded by the other commissaries of the empire, and by several bishops. He thanked the Roman-Catholics for their fidelity, and declared that the resolution having been definitively agreed to, it was about to be drawn up in the form of an imperial decree.

He then announced to the elector and his friends, that their only remaining course was to submit to the majority.

The evangelical princes, who had not expected so positive a declaration, were excited at this summons, and passed, according to custom, into an adjoining chamber to deliberate. But Ferdinand was not in a humour to wait for their answer. He rose, and the imperial commissaries with him. Vain were all endeavours to stop him. "I have received an order from his imperial majesty," replied he; "I have executed it. All is over."

Thus did Charles's brother notify an order to the Christian princes, and then retire without caring even if there was any reply to be made! To no purpose they sent a deputation entreating the king to return. "It is a settled affair," repeated Ferdinand; "submission is all that remains."

This refusal completed the schism: it separated Rome from the Gospel.

Perhaps more justice on the part of the empire and of the papacy might have prevented the rupture that since then has divided the Western Church.

oooOooo

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