Implications of the New Philosophy of Science

A Topology for Psychology

Peter T. Manicas, Queens College, CUNY
Paul F. Secord, University of Houston

FOOTNOTES

  1. Some of the persons named and others not identified specifically in the foregoing contributed to both strands, e.g., Hanson, Toulmin, W.V.O. Quine, Hilary Putnam, Wilfred Sellars and others. Some of the issues, e.g., deductivism, are criticized by figures in both strands.

  2. The issue is too complex to pursue here, but the stratification of the world makes reductionism false in one important sense. Thus, from a knowledge of the states and principles of a lower-order science (e.g., physics) we could not, even in principle, predict events whose outcomes involve higher-order laws (e.g., biochemistry) as part of their causal configuration. Of course, lower-order or microscopic domains are the basis for higher-order properties and configurations: The neurophysiological organization of the CNS of persons is the basis for psychological properties and phenomena, just as the atomic organization of molecules is the basis for chemical properties. On this see Bhaskar (1975, Chapter 2.5). Finally, the problem of reduction of theory -- of explaining laws of a higher-order science in terms of those of the lower order -- remains empirically open depending in part on our ability in specific instances to offer a partial translation between the theories. For a detailed discussion of the problems in reducing Mendelian genetic theory to molecular genetics -- an instance where we have two genuine theories at different levels -- see David Hull) Principles of Biological Science, Prentice - Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1974.

  3. The example is due to Georges Rey whose criticism of an earlier version of this paper (presented at the Society for Philosophy and Psychology, Chicago April 1981) helpfully motivated the preceding effort at further clarification.

  4. Whether a science is autonomous in the present sense is a direct function of the nature of stratification in the world. That is, as per preceding note, if from a knowledge of the causal properties and antecedent conditions of structures in one domain of science we cannot predict events at the next level, then that level defines another science with an irreducible subject-matter. As Bhaskar writes, even if we could explain organic life in terms of physical and chemical elements out of which organic things are formed, and perhaps even reproduce this process in laboratories, biology would not be otiose. Living things do not cease to be real; knowledge of biological structures and processes would still be necessary to account for the world as we know it.

  5. We do not pretend here, of course, to have addressed a number of difficult methodological questions pertinent to experimental psychology. These include questions regarding theory construction, problems about the psychological reality of the mechanisms theorized, and issues raised by various "functionalist" strategies (Fodor, 1968). Thus, as was suggested earlier, while there can be no doubt that neurophysiological infrastructures are involved in all psychological processes, it is not clear how to proceed, whether, e.g., a neuropsychological approach is to be preferred over artificial intelligence and computer simulation models, whether or to what extent holistic versus more specialized approaches are desirable, etc.

  6. On the present view, it is an important and empirical question whether and how cultural factors relate to biological infrastructures. It may or may not be the case that cultural differences have biological effects. From this point of view, evolutionary biology, anthropology, ethology, comparative psychology and related disciplines are surely pertinent.

  7. While the standard view of science recognizes that one must distinguish generalizations from laws, it was not able to identify in a reasonably clear way their difference This is easily accomplished in the view of science advanced here. (See Harre and Madden, 1976; Bhaskar, 1978a). Unclarity regarding this distinction has also encouraged those instrumental views of science, most graphic in psychology in the work of Skinner, in economics in the work of Milton Friedman, which confuse explanation with prediction and control.
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